The influence of aquatic biodiversity on the behavior of sea kayakers
Individual behavior is influenced by sociological factors.
Drawing on concepts such as Bourdieu’s habitus, Pocciello’s sociocultural approach to physical activities, attention to non-humans, and ecological habitus, we examine the extent to which kayakers are influenced by aquatic biodiversity. What behaviors does it elicit, and what are the criteria for an ecological habitus? These questions are at the heart of our work, and we have sought to answer them through four interviews conducted with kayakers. Through the two criteria of an “environmentally friendly lifestyle” and a strong preference for manual labor and tangible goods, the results highlight a differentiation in the behaviors adopted by participants based on their proximity to these criteria.
Linking habitus to socio-ecological behavior
Top international decision-makers gathered for two weeks in November 2022 at COP 27 in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt. This opportunity for dialogue and decision-making—affecting nearly all of humanity—is a clear sign of the world’s leaders’ commitment to moving forward. However, we must not overlook the individual actions taken by each of us on a daily basis. This study aims to understand kayakers’ behaviors regarding biodiversity.
Kayaking, its participants, and its impacts
Outdoor sports have always been popular among the French. Indeed, the introduction of paid vacation in 1936 and the shift to a 35-hour workweek in 2000 gave the French more free time, which has contributed to the “development of tourism and regular local recreational activities” (Vollet and Vial, 2018). These activities have been encouraged since 1945 by the Ministerial Instructions for Outdoor Sports: “Stimulated by the great outdoors and the natural environment, students are willing to exert themselves.” Dubuisson describes APPN (2009, p.1) as “characterized by the planning and execution of a journey in a natural environment or one that replicates it.” A kayak is a vessel that allows for traversing aquatic environments rich in biodiversity, some of which are part of protected and preserved areas that are home to habitats and species representative of European biodiversity. It is because the activity itself and the vessels are respectful of these environments that kayakers are the only ones able to access these areas.
Scientists have struggled to quantify the impacts of kayaking on aquatic biodiversity. Mounet (2007) highlights the gaps in the research through a literature review of 300 documents. He notes that scientists tend to focus only on flagship species, overlooking “population dynamics,” “ecosystem aspects ” (p. 5), and transportation to access the kayaking site. Finally, according to Bouthillier (2013), kayaking is “undoubtedly one of the few activities with a minimal impact on the environment.” However, the environmental disturbances he identifies are caused by the kayaker’s behavior.
This is where a sociocultural approach can prove useful for understanding behavior. Pociello (1981) conceptualizes a sociocultural approach to sports practices and demonstrates that certain sports are associated with specific social classes. Social mixing occurs in some sports, revealing different conditions under which the same sport is practiced.
Interacting with non-humans in outdoor sports
Flora and fauna are what Rech and Paget refer to as “non-humans” (Rech & Paget, 2017), a sociological concept developed by Latour. Latour asserts that when engaging in an outdoor sport, movement is hybrid, consisting of interactions between humans, objects, and non-humans: “we must accept the fact that the continuity inherent in the unfolding of an action will rarely consist of connections from human to human […] or from object to object, but will likely zigzag from humans to non-humans” (Latour, 2006, 108).
Rech and Paget add that “objects transform the course of an action and contribute to new associations with humans” (2017, 8).
The relationship that each person has with the non-human beings present while engaging in outdoor physical activities is therefore of paramount importance in protecting the environment in which these activities take place.
The presence of non-humans in the practice environment is also of paramount importance in the emergence of a “world enchantment” (Passavant, 2004). As Perrin-Malterre (2007) describes, there is a state of enchantment characterized by a sense of wonder at the world’s beauty, a feeling of elation and inner peace followed by a surge of affection. This is fostered by repeated physical exertion, gathering in small groups, and living self-sufficiently in isolated regions, according to the author. This is a phenomenon that can occur while kayaking. Indeed, it is a sporting activity, synonymous with repeated exertion—whether during a single session or regularly throughout the year—that can be undertaken alone or in small groups in isolated locations, accessible only by kayak, creating the impression of being alone in the world, living in self-sufficiency.
From Habitus to Ecological Habitus
For this awareness to take hold, it is important that this cause—the preservation of aquatic biodiversity—be a major concern and remain at the forefront of people’s minds. However, it appears that “ideological assumptions play an important role” (Myttenaere & d’Ieteren, 2009). Perception is inherent to each individual; it is unique to them and is influenced by multiple factors. It
varies depending on one’s reference group—the group with which one identifies—as well as one’s family, culture, shared values, and social class. Bourdieu (1987) explains that habitus is a circular phenomenon that produces and reproduces the social conditions necessary for its own reproduction. Indeed, a certain habitus tends to give rise to another certain habitus. Bourdieu (1980) defines it as a set of “structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures” (p. 88). Thus, the habitus created by our experience and our surroundings, which forms during stages of socialization, is what makes us unique as human beings and as social beings. This phenomenon triggers tendencies toward certain behaviors that will serve as the foundation for other behaviors conducive to the reproduction of this habitus. Indeed, habitus is not only the consequence of education, socialization, and culture; it is also the cause of their replication—not identical, but similar. Wagner (2012) simply defines Bourdieu’s concept of habitus as “a set of enduring, acquired dispositions consisting of categories of appreciation and judgment that generate social practices adapted to social positions.”
Some English-speaking authors use Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and link the combination of low economic capital and high cultural capital to “environmentally friendly lifestyles” (Carfagna et al., 2014; Holt, 1998; Horton, 2003). Pelikán et al. (2020, p.423) add that the habitus of this category of individuals becomes more ecological and that their tastes focus on goods that are more tangible, sensory, local, and on manual labor: “The reconfiguration of high-status tastes concerns three dimensions: a new interest in materialism and the physicality of goods, a preference for the local, and reverence for manual labor. ” (2020, p. 423).
Debbie Kasper does not stop at the concept of cultural capital; she attempts to go further and develops the concept of “ecological habitus” (2009, p. 312), derived from Bourdieu’s conception of habitus. Kasper explains what the ecological habitus refers to: “ the embodiment of a durable yet changeable system of ecologically relevant dispositions, practices, perceptions, and material conditions—perceptible as a lifestyle—that is shaped by and helps shape socioecological contexts” (ibid., p. 318). The author believes that the concept of ecological habitus is a means of “rethinking” environmental behavior but that it is important to develop an empirical tool to study, compare, and convey data on
socio-ecological relationships. “Socio-ecological” is a term used by Kasper (2009) to refer to issues and phenomena often labeled “environmental,” implicitly conveying the idea of relationships between “human social life” and the ecological contexts in which it takes place (2009, p. 324). Kasper’s aim is therefore to integrate ecological behavior into the concept of habitus. This research thus shows us that the notion of biodiversity is not the same for everyone. It is unique to each individual and depends on our perception. Since this perception depends on our own experience, our socialization, and various factors such as education, cultural environment, and the social group with which we identify, it is constantly evolving. Bouthillier (2013) shows us that despite criticism of tourism for damaging ecosystems, kayakers have only a negligible impact on aquatic biodiversity and adds that the impacts of kayaking are inherent to the kayaker’s behavior and not to the activity itself. It is therefore sufficient, she concludes, to raise their awareness and teach them best practices. Ford draws on Kasper’s work to state that social practices are not “simply a matter of individual choices, but a reflection of social conditions that take place within systems of power”10 (2009, p.1). Our relationship with nature is thus influenced by our sociological markers, but these can be altered by our experience of nature.
Indeed, contact with nature is central to recognizing it as a whole. The idea put forward by Leopold, an American ecologist of the 1940s, that outdoor recreation allows for an encounter with nature, invites us to view it as a living being in its own right. This awareness, or “critical consciousness,” is a process of learning and discovering reality in order to free oneself from the oppression of social structures and one’s habitus (Alexander et al., 2022: 3).
In this context, we are led to ask to what extent socio-ecological behaviors reflect an ecological habitus among kayakers. We hypothesize that kayakers with a strong cultural capital develop more pronounced socio-ecological behaviors than individuals with less pronounced cultural capital.
Methodology
Based on a socio-ecological perspective of behavior, the study—conducted in 2022 as part of a research thesis (Vautier, 2021)—was designed as a qualitative investigation involving four members of the Palavas Kayak de Mer club. This type of data will allow us to explore certain topics, such as the participants’ childhood environments and career paths, in order to gain a better understanding of the various socialization processes they have undergone. We aim to understand the conditions, causes, and consequences of kayaking at PKM. Using this method, we gathered the members’ opinions and experiences, their motivations, and addressed their concerns regarding aquatic biodiversity.
Our study site is a fixed location—the Palavas Kayak de Mer club—but this is offset by a diverse sample. The four members we will interview have different practices. What makes our survey so valuable is the diversity of the profiles we are interviewing and the different ways in which they participate. Furthermore, these members have different statuses within the club,
Some have been members for less than 5 years, while others have been members for more than 15 years. Some are ordinary members, while others hold or have held important positions within the organization. This allows us to examine a broader range of behaviors based on the level of involvement in sea kayaking. The diversity of the profiles we surveyed is what allowed us to examine a broad spectrum of behaviors that are worth studying and analyzing.
Given our unique position as apprentices at Palavas Kayak de Mer, conducting in-person, one-on-one interviews at the club was a logical choice. We opted for semi-structured interviews because, despite a set framework, this approach allows participants to explore certain topics or provide detailed information in their own words. We discussed the interviewees’ childhoods, followed by their professional and athletic careers. We asked about the reasons and circumstances behind their participation in the sport and their consideration for nature. The interviews lasted between 20 and 40 minutes each and took place at Palavas Kayak de Mer or via video call (Cathy).
It should be noted that Palavas Kayak de Mer is a club with affordable membership fees that is open to everyone. We did not interview any children or young adults, but the sample accurately represents the club. We analyzed the various statements made by the interviewees, which were recorded on a voice recorder and transcribed using the Ubiqus IO method.
Results
Here, we first present the results of our interviews with Cathy, Geneviève, Jean-Christian, and Gérard, and then analyze them through the lens of the ecological habitus and various behavioral adaptations (contemplating, repairing, avoiding). We begin by examining our subjects through the lens of their “environmentally friendly lifestyle” (Carfagna et al., 2014; Holt, 1998; Horton, 2003) and their preference for manual labor. We then examine the various behaviors of kayakers and compare them with the symptoms of a pronounced ecological habitus.
First, we would like to point out that since the survey interviewed only a few members of this club—which has more than 300 members—it is insufficient to draw conclusions about a general trend. It is necessary to examine the behaviors of other club members who, although they engage in an activity that appears similar at first glance, are actually involved in a different activity. Indeed, the motivation for the activity, the type of boat, age, or skill level were not examined in their interrelatedness during this survey. This raises questions about the different behaviors adopted by individuals who kayak but have a less developed ecological habitus. This could be addressed through a larger-scale quantitative survey as part of a more comprehensive research project. However, in a study aimed at testing the hypothesis of biophilia by quantifying the connection between humans and nature, Cheng et al. (2020) acknowledge a particular challenge: studying on a large scale how individuals interact with nature in different contexts.
Our four members are over 40 years old. We have two men—one currently working and one retired—and two women in the same situation. Cathy and Geneviève are and were teachers; Cathy took the internal exam after having her children, seeking stability. Gérard was a technician and was promoted toward the end of his career, and Jean-Christian didn’t use his vocational degree, worked a series of odd jobs, then became a tattoo artist for 10 years before becoming an instructor at the kayaking club. All of them kayak at sea as a hobby; only Jean-Christian goes on trips that sometimes last several weeks. He is also in charge of the sea kayaking section at the club and, in this capacity, teaches classes twice a week and organizes trips and excursions. All four joined the club out of a desire to paddle at sea. Their styles of paddling vary; some prefer to paddle exclusively in a group (Cathy and Gérard), while others prefer solo outings (Geneviève). Jean-Christian, who is at a much higher skill level, also practices kayak surfing, backpacking trips, and river rafting. They all speak of freedom when describing their activities, whether it’s geographical for Gérard or a sense of freedom for the others. None of them, except Gérard, mention the benefits of physical exercise, as if to emphasize, by omission, that the essence of their activity lies in the surrounding environment. With different and sometimes incomplete definitions of biodiversity, our subjects seem to agree on a few distinct behaviors. Cathy mentions two verbs—“to see” and “to look”—and two nouns—“contemplation” and “gaze”—when we asked her how she pays attention to biodiversity. The other participants also mention gathering information prior to the activity to
"minimize" the impact (Jean-Christian) and advocate for proactive behavior aimed at making a positive impact—specifically, restoring the environment. This is the case with Geneviève, who "picks up whatever needs to be picked up."
Building on Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, which does not explore the environmental component, Kasper (2009) develops the concept of ecological habitus, which she defines as “the embodiment of a sustainable yet evolving system of dispositions, practices, perceptions, and material conditions […] shaped by and shaping socio-ecological contexts” 1. In doing so, Kasper integrates socio-ecological behaviors into the concept of habitus. The results of our survey clearly demonstrate a particular sensitivity to the ecological environment among the kayakers we interviewed. Their behaviors are consequently modified so as not to disturb the flora and fauna, in order to enjoy and admire the beauty of the non-human beings surrounding them during their activity.
An ecological mindset
Environmentally friendly lifestyles
According to Carfagna et al. ( 2014), the combination of high cultural capital and low economic capital may be linked to an “environmentally friendly lifestyle,” which appears to be the case for our participants. They share one common trait: they engage in sea kayaking as a leisure activity. What other elements found in the interview results allow us to determine whether our subjects have an “environmentally friendly lifestyle” (Carfagna et al., 2014; Holt, 1998; Horton, 2003)? First of all, Geneviève is a kayaker who, in addition to—perceived as a lifestyle—that is shaped by and helps shape socioecological contexts”
Moving quietly through designated areas, she has made picking up trash a habit—and even a guiding principle—to preserve the nature she cherishes. It’s a habit she practices on her own or with others during cleanup efforts. This habit may have developed during her childhood when her father, “very environmentally conscious, ” would take her hiking in the Vosges to pick mushrooms. Her outings are most often on the Mosson, in an area with a large bird population. She also mentions a rare bird she was lucky enough to spot once: the black swan. During these outings, she takes great care not to encroach on nesting areas or areas where biodiversity is fragile.
Cathy has loved nature ever since she was a child, when she used to “play cowboys out in the wild .” It’s only natural for her to be fascinated by and observe the sea and the sky. Weather, the stars, the clouds, and of course “nature and animals” hold a special place in Cathy’s world. She maintains a close connection with the environment around her through her practice—a source of personal balance that she believes is essential to feeling good and that brings her happiness.
The third person who can certainly be said to have an “environmentally friendly lifestyle” (Ibid.) is Jean-Christian. In fact, he enjoys several sports and outdoor activities in addition to kayaking, such as hiking and cycling. We can sense his connection to the environment when he describes the “spectacular landscapes” and “incredible beaches” in Norway, and his respect for birds, emphasizing that everyone should stay in their own space and not trespass into certain areas. Finally, the strongest indication is his vegetarianism, which he adopted to minimize his impact on the lives of other living beings.
Among the information we gathered from our interview with Gérard, we could not find any evidence of an “environmentally friendly lifestyle” (Ibid.) other than his kayaking and his love for the sea. Although he has “always lived as close to the sea as possible”—being originally from Boulogne-sur-Mer—and considers this a “necessity,” his answers are very factual (for example: his definition of biodiversity, which is general and consistent with the definition provided by the French Office for Biodiversity), and he seems to view the environment in which he engages in these activities as a backdrop—"a boundless horizontal plane" that enables his pursuits. Nor is he interested in traveling or hiking to explore other environments for these activities. Our three subjects, Geneviève, Cathy, and Jean-Christian, therefore correspond to the profiles that, according to Pelikán et al., possess high cultural capital compared to low economic capital. These are profiles drawn to the surrounding nature, who are attentive to others.
A passion for hands-on work and tangible goods
Carfagna et al. (2014) find that a high level of cultural capital combined with low economic capital may be linked to a “pro-environmental lifestyle , ” which appears to be the case for our subjects. Cultural capital tends to be downplayed, or reduced to the level of educational attainment, as if we acquire higher cultural capital by spending more time in higher education (Serre, 2012). Yet our subjects did not spend as many years in university as a doctoral student. Pelikán et al. add to the findings of Carfagna et al. (2014) that an ecological habitus tends to involve tastes focused on tangible, sensory, local goods and manual labor.
Gérard is definitely someone with a real knack for hands-on work and tangible objects. In fact, he worked as an equipment technician for about thirty years after earning a BTS in Mechanical Engineering. He spent his entire career in a hands-on trade, having started out in another hands-on field as a drafting technician. Gérard also earned two CAPs in sanitary facility maintenance and maintenance of public buildings. In addition to his manual trade, Gérard also enjoys DIY. He regularly volunteers at Palavas Kayak de Mer for maintenance work and has played a major role in building infrastructure to improve the club’s management and daily operations. Referring to Pelikán et al., Gérard would be classified as having high cultural capital because his interests focus on more tangible, sensory, and local goods, as well as manual labor. Manual labor is considered by Crawford (2009) to be a vehicle for intellectual emancipation, unlike so-called intellectual jobs, which tend to prioritize quantity over quality. The intellectual emancipation Gérard experiences through his manual activities is a marker of high cultural capital.
The second person who fits the profile established by Pelikán et al. is Jean-Christian. For one thing, his hobbies. He told us he enjoys DIY and woodworking—manual labor. In fact, as an instructor at Palavas Kayak de Mer, he leads workshops on how to build a Greenlandic paddle (the traditional wooden paddles crafted by the first Inuit kayakers) and others on how to repair a kayak. On the other hand, when it comes to manual trades, Jean-Christian is no slouch. Jean-Christian grew up in the countryside, on a farm, “surrounded by fields and woods.” He thus experienced nature on a daily basis from a very young age. After working seasonal jobs in the vineyards, spending summers in the restaurant industry, and working in visitor services at a living museum, he ran his own tattoo studio for ten years. Not to mention that he is currently a kayak instructor.
All of our subjects appear to possess a high level of cultural capital compared to a less pronounced level of economic capital. Even though our subjects do not possess “embodied” cultural capital (Serre, 2012)—which would have required a more in-depth study and examination of their ancestry—they nevertheless possess acquired cultural capital, not through formal education, but through their lifestyle and their passions. With this in mind, we will attempt to analyze the various behaviors, whether or not they are influenced by aquatic biodiversity.
A variety of behaviors
To contemplate
Contemplation. How can one not adopt this attitude when faced with landscapes such as the Palavas lagoons at sunset, mythical animals like flamingos taking flight, or water stretching as far as the eye can see on the horizon? Contemplation is evoked by Cathy. She draws on the semantic field of vision, describing her gaze upon the birds: “the flamingos, the cormorants—I love them—and the ducks.” Here, contemplation is a behavior inspired by aquatic biodiversity but does not indicate that this biodiversity influences the kayaker’s practice. Indeed, anyone can be awed by what they see while kayaking, without necessarily being aware of it or understanding that their actions may have an impact on the setting of their activity. We might choose to define this behavior as passive. This behavior reflects the notion of a “enchantment of the world” as described by Passavant (2004). We mentioned earlier that this feeling could arise while kayaking on the sea or on lakes. It does indeed seem possible, and in fact occurs regularly for Cathy, for example, or Jean-Christian when he traverses “spectacular environments” at the Pointe du Raz in Brittany or among the glaciers in Greenland. She had mentioned her contemplation of the environment, her sense of freedom, and the ability to breathe. She adds, “We must respect the sea; it belongs to the realm of the sacred.” This corresponds to the “symptoms” of the enchantment of the world described by Perrin-Malterre (2007), which she describes as “a sense of wonder at the world’s beauty, a feeling of elation and inner peace followed by surges of affection.”
Repair
Finally, Geneviève adopts a behavior aimed at restoring the environment in which she practices. This behavior is not necessarily influenced by the presence of aquatic biodiversity, but Geneviève cites pollution and food scarcity as causes for the decline in animal populations in the ponds and the Mosson. She discusses the direct and indirect impact of humans and therefore tries to make a modest contribution, during her personal outings and events organized by associations and NGOs, to improving the living conditions of aquatic biodiversity. More generally, litter pickup is a common practice among kayaking groups because they view biodiversity as something to be preserved and water as an environment to be cleaned whenever possible. She even adds that the impacts of kayaking stem from the kayaker’s behavior rather than the activity itself. Therefore, she concludes, it is simply a matter of raising awareness and teaching best practices.
Avoid
This may be the most difficult behavior to adopt. It requires a certain level of awareness and knowledge of restricted areas and periods during which one cannot navigate freely. It is therefore the behavior that demands the greatest effort, reflecting the significant influence of aquatic biodiversity on our subjects’ practices. All four of our subjects have adopted this behavior. Cathy tells us she avoids polluted areas on the Rhône Canal in Sète. It seems to us, however, that this avoidance behavior may also stem from personal comfort rather than being primarily motivated by aquatic biodiversity. Gérard is very familiar with the issues related to protected areas and the periods during which nesting occurs. He has reviewed a regional document listing all the species present in the Palavasian ponds, but does not express any intention to avoid them during the interview. This raises the question of the intensity of his commitment and its limits. The statements made by our subjects during the interviews are not subject to verification by a third party. Thus, it is possible that the behaviors they describe may be exaggerated, either unconsciously or consciously, during the interview. He does, however, remind us that we must not “have an impact on the environment in which we navigate.” Finally, the participants Geneviève and Jean-Christian are the ones who emphasize the need to learn about authorized areas and ecosystems in order to be mindful of nesting periods. These are the two participants who seem most committed to avoidance behavior.
Early exposure to nature
To understand the extent to which socio-ecological behaviors reflect an ecological habitus among kayakers, we hypothesized that kayakers with strong cultural capital would exhibit more pronounced socio-ecological behaviors than those with less pronounced cultural capital. We observed that it is initially possible to develop cultural capital through acquisition—during our hobbies, while practicing our profession, or through our lifestyle in general. By interviewing the ancestors and other family members of our subjects, we could have explored whether or not innate cultural capital is transmitted. Furthermore, the various behaviors described during our interviews may be limited by the territorial scope of our kayakers’ activities, as they primarily paddle on the same ponds, the same river, and the same stretch of coastline. These behaviors, although shared by our members, may not reflect a general trend among kayakers in France, or even within the club. Indeed, other behaviors are possible, such as non-modification by omission, non-modification due to lack of interest, or even intentional damage due to a lack of knowledge of the environment. Other kayaking practices, such as those in artificial reservoirs, on rivers, or in competition, will lead to different behaviors than those of kayakers operating in a regulated recreational area.
“People who feel concerned protect; those who are unaware do not feel concerned” (Pyle, 2016). According to Pyle (ibid.), humans’ personal alienation from nature is what leads to the ecological crisis. He denounces the “extinction of experience” (ibid.) of nature, through the disappearance of local species or the superficiality of our interactions with it. Thus, to encourage improved behaviors toward nature, the authors emphasize the importance of raising awareness or “critical consciousness ” (Alexander et al., 2022). A profound experience of nature, even a negative one, is associated with “more positive behaviors and attitudes towardit”3 (DeVill et al., 2021), the result of a connection formed and an ongoing learning process.
It therefore seems important to help citizens reconnect with nature in order to envision a sustainable world. This is what Palavas Kayak de Mer offers its members, as well as tourists and school groups, by allowing them to paddle through the Palavas lagoons and raising their awareness of ecosystems through the guidance of instructors. This initiative is permitted and encouraged by the Lez Basin Authority, which grants the club’s kayakers right of way in a Natura 2000-designated area that is off-limits to recreational boaters.
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http://journals.openedition.org/sociologie/1200
1 Suggested translation for: “the embodiment of a durable yet changeable system of ecologically relevant dispositions, practices, perceptions, and material
2 Our suggested translation for "environmentally friendly lifestyle"
3 Our suggested translation for: “more positive attitudes toward nature”