Street Workout: A Strength Training Sport with Urban Tourism Potential

The aim of this article is to understand how Street Workout has established itself as an urban-tourism activity by evolving within the urban landscape. This activity, which aligns with the body culture prevalent in contemporary societies, was the subject of a qualitative study conducted through interviews with five practitioners, supplemented by immersive observations during Street Workout sessions . The research aimed to understand how these practitioners engaged in the activity and thereby identify its factors of appeal. The results allowed us to highlight the recreational appeal of Street Workout for practitioners, which fosters a sense of freedom and, more specifically, this pursuit of recreational-athletic sensations involving self-presentation, where the practitioners’ bodies become an acrobatic spectacle displayed in public spaces.

In parks, at the beach, and on street corners, we’re seeing more and more bodybuilders performing moves worthy of gymnasts, turning this practice—known as Street Workout(SW)—into a spectacular discipline. It’s truly impressive to watch these athletes, with their bulging, defined muscles, execute a wide range of moves on street equipment. However, despite its growth and institutionalization in France in recent years (the creation of a federation, the construction of SW parks, etc.), this practice has not always been viewed favorably by society, which has generally associated it with a popular activity reserved for people from disadvantaged backgrounds. According to an article in L’OBS published in June 2013, SW is said to have originated in prison settings; consequently, many people have associated this sport with a practice dedicated to inmates. To illustrate this point, we can take the example of a comment by Mark Reifkind, Master Instructor of the RFC (Russian Kettlebell Challenge), regarding Paul Wade’s book, *The Prisoner’s Workout*. In this book, Mark Reifkind states,“I didn’t want to like this book. In fact, I didn’t even want to read it because of the title” ( 2016, p. 8). There is thus a negative perception that tends to devalue the practice of SW. Indeed, for many people, SW is an activity associated with a working-class social group due to its origins and its adoption by African American communities, which are often linked to poverty, delinquency, or other forms of social exclusion. Sociologists such as Mauss (1935), Metoudi, and Pociello (1981, 1995) have examined the relationship between sports and social classes and subsequently highlighted that “poor” populations were often more represented in popular sports, generally strength-based sports, whereas, conversely, the affluent social classes were often represented in so-called “noble” activities (tennis, golf…), which are often more technical.

It is generally believed that this practice helps young people from low-income neighborhoods or “ghettos” avoid falling into a life of crime, which is why it is sometimes referred to as the “ghetto workout.” Indeed, in an interview with the website étudiants.ch^[1], Allan Muller, a postdoctoral researcher on the topic of SW, explained that during his research, he often encountered a popular narrative that associated the practice with a disadvantaged urban context“and which earned street workout its nickname ‘ghetto workout.’”A negative association that certain pioneers, such as Hannibal For King^[2], an icon of the practice according to the website litobox^[3]. He is a public figure who has helped popularize SW through his numerous videos of spectacular performances posted on Instagram, Facebook, and other social media platforms. Posted since 2008, these videos have fueled the practice’s explosive growth.

It is certainly worth noting that the number of practitioners is growing steadily (though no official figures are available), with the construction of street workout parks, the organization of competitions, and the establishment of federations such as the World Street Workout & Calisthenics Federation (2011)—not to mention the numerous video posts on social media.

This trendy new street sport is now, according to the Calisthenics Parks website^[4] (regularly updated), there are 1,287 SW practice sites in France (up from 1,017 in 2020) and 15,699 worldwide (up from 13,193 in 2020). According to the SBL School Workout^[5], a French SW school based in Nice, SW—also known as calisthenics—is a discipline halfway between gymnastics and weight training, combining strength, flexibility, balance, and agility in a new style focused on aerial freestyle. More specifically, it is often practiced outdoors (hence the name Street Workout) and without equipment. The origin of this bodyweight-focused strength training technique remains difficult to pinpoint, as it has developed rapidly across the globe in a short period of time.

According to the French SW Federation, this practice emerged in Russia in the 1990s and was later popularized by a few pioneers in the United States, such as Hannibal for King, who came from working-class neighborhoods in New York and trained in the streets. For SBL School Workouk, this discipline is rooted in traditional calisthenics. Calisthenics, derived from two Greek words: Kallos (beauty) and Sthénos (strength), was already practiced in Ancient Greece and was later supplemented with bodyweight techniques. For this school, SW originated on the streets of New York, and the Russians subsequently added a gymnastic element to the practice. SW is therefore, according to SBL School Workout^[6] “an alchemy of these different athletic expressions from several continents.”

Today, street workout is undergoing a major transformation that extends far beyond disadvantaged neighborhoods and involves participants from all social classes. These individuals are drawn to street workout because it offers a“fun”form of strength training where they can combine aesthetic goals with enjoyment, but also—and above all—an outdoor activity that asserts a certain freedom to be part of the urban landscape. The question here, then, is to what extent does SW qualify as urban sports tourism? We will see that this practice requires few resources and that, by being situated in strategic locations—high-traffic areas close to nature—it offers an active display of the participants’ bodies through spectacular gymnastic moves, which attract the general public and foster new interactions that promote a new form of tourism.

Methodology

The research aimed to understand how SW practitioners engage with urban space. In a way, by emphasizing outdoor strength training and an artistic form, this practice makes urban space more appealing. We therefore sought to understand the place of this new practice in the streets by conducting qualitative research. To this end, we conducted five semi-structured interviews and observed three SW sessions between February and March 2020. Our sample consisted of five SW practitioners of different genders, ages, and levels of experience.

For the interviews, our sample consisted of a diverse range of profiles. The purpose of this diversity was to get as close as possible to the reality of the SW, where we find completely different profiles (in terms of gender, social background, and age). Among the practitioners interviewed, two are long-time friends, and the others are people I met at various spots and with whom I was able to build relationships while practicing with them. The interviews took place at a later stage, once relationships had been established. Research interviews are interviews that constitute the methodological elements of a scientific approach (G. Imbert, 2010, p. 23). There are three types of interviews: structured, semi-structured, and unstructured. For our study, we opted for the semi-structured interview to address specific topics while allowing the interviewee a certain degree of freedom. In 1995, Lincoln defined the semi-structured interview as a data collection technique that contributes to the development of knowledge, favoring qualitative and interpretive approaches, particularly those within constructivist paradigms.

The five interviews were conducted between April 20, 2020, and May 10, 2020, and each lasted between 27 and 47 minutes. Due to the health crisis related to COVID-19, the interviews were primarily conducted by telephone (n=4) or via Skype (n=1). The latter medium serves as an alternative that allows for visual contact and facilitates the establishment of a trusting rapport during the exchange. Furthermore, “it is a common tool that respondents have been accustomed to using since its development in the 1990s, making it indispensable for conducting many social science surveys ” (Béliard and Brossard, 2012, p.114). The aim of these interviews was to determine how practitioners engage in SW and, ultimately, to understand the appeal of this practice in different parts of the world: Montpellier, Lyon, and French Guiana.

These interviews were supplemented by participant observation during three sessions, each lasting approximately 2 hours and 30 minutes, and took place exclusively in the heavily frequented SW park within the Hibiscus Joint Development Zone (ZAC) on Cayenne Island in French Guiana. “Observation focuses on a group that one attempts to approach directly through slow and continuous immersion” (Laplantine, 2001, p. 17). There are several types of observation: floating, distanced, and participant observation. The latter, which we chose, involves fully immersing oneself in the study environment in order to observe a phenomenon. As a practitioner for over four years, my immersion was made easier in a familiar setting, and my technical skills allowed me to blend into the circle of practitioners to appreciate the rhythm of the sessions. Thus, to conduct my observation sessions, I would go to the practice locations as if I were going to my own training. This allowed me to be seen as a practitioner training rather than as an observer; in this sense, I relied on my memory to note my observations once the session was over. Consequently, by combining the data collected in French Guiana with the respondents’ accounts, we can understand the practice of SW as a new urban-tourism activity.

The self-organizing principles of software: building strength in a different way

SW, a practice focused on body weight

Among the people we interviewed, several of them currently do or have done weight training at a gym in addition to SW. During our interviews, the comparison between these two activities often came up: 

“The problem with the gym is that it’s way too crowded; I couldn’t see myself working out there and having to wait five minutes just to use a machine.”

 (Grégory, 26).

According to them, the fact that they can work out using only their body weight eliminates the waiting time they might otherwise experience with the various machines available in the weight room. 

“Here, you don’t have to wait for a machine like you do at the gym; if the bar isn’t free, you do push-ups, squats, and so on.”

 (Endrick, 23)

Furthermore, although this was not mentioned during our interviews, we did notice during our observation sessions that participants preferred this activity because it provides a“full-body”workout (i.e., the entire body). In fact, the exercises performed in SW are not specifically targeted at a single muscle but rather at an entire muscle chain. For example, pull-ups engage the biceps, triceps, and pectoral muscles simultaneously. Beyond the time efficiency and multifunctional exercises of this practice, SW has a unique feature regarding equipment. While most physical and sports activities require specific gear, body weight is the primary focus in SW. In this sense, a simple pull-up bar and two parallel bars—which can be substituted with everyday objects or public fixtures—are all that is needed. SW can therefore be practiced in a wide variety of locations, and like many other sports, these locations “have evolved over time, beginning with the construction of specialized facilities, then the adaptation of urban spaces originally intended for other purposes ” (Augustin Bourdeau et al., 2008). The lack of specific equipment is already an attractive factor for practitioners because they can exercise whenever and wherever they want.

“Besides, I’m also drawn to how easy it is to do them—you can do them whenever you can, whenever you want; all you need is a bar, and that’s it.”

(Karine, 23)

The SW’s “fun” spirit

Since the rise of new sports trends in the 1970s, self-organized sports activities have attracted many athletes, who have sometimes turned away from traditional sports organizations. While sports institutions have a duty to ensure the rules of the game (techniques, fouls, etc.), provide venues, and organize roles (managers, referees, etc.), the model of free practice often dispenses with venues and roles (Haumont, 1987). This is what seems to appeal to many participants. Practicing their sport outside the institutional and regulated framework allows athletes to foster a spirit of playfulness.

“I started this sport so I could build muscle while having fun. I was drawn to ‘freestyle,’ but also to the physical benefits of street skating.”

(Endrick, 23)

According to Bessy and Hillaire (2002), the needs of athletes are evolving, thereby challenging the institutional system and its inherent regulations. In their view, we are shifting from organized, regulated, time-bound, and location-specific sports practices to “self-organized” activities that are multi-temporal and multi-spatial. Institutional frameworks are fading, giving way to new perspectives and questions about “doing sports” within a broader context that encompasses sports and wellness cultures. People are now focused on engaging in activities where they can enjoy a degree of freedom, have fun, and unwind. Here, then, there is a break with the performance-oriented sports culture that imposes rules, established norms, a defined framework for practice, and specific timeframes for practice. The cult of effort has given way to the cult of pleasure (Dienot and Theiller, 1999), which is strikingly evident in the SW. Indeed, one of our interviewees made this telling remark:

 “I wasn’t athletic at all before. I’d just done a little judo, swimming, dance, and track and field, but I didn’t like being told what to do, being bossed around by others, or having people yell at me. And what I also appreciated is that you have a bit of freedom to develop on your own, to take the time to reflect on what you’ve learned so you can grow.”

(Karine, 23)

We thus see this pursuit of a sport-recreational approach, in which enjoyment is an integral part of the sport for these participants. As a result, the focus on performance that might be expected in an institutional setting gives way to a desire to have fun and enjoy oneself.

Certainly, the needs of athletes are not static over time and are subject to change. For example, the most conventional and common method for building muscle remains working out in a gym. However, many people are choosing alternative and emerging activities such as CrossFit or SW, which are fun forms of exercise. Today, athletes are seeking enjoyment more than performance, in a spirit of hedonism (Bessy and Hillaire, 2006, p. 14). Our results thus support this view and show that the fun culture of SW—particularly through the many acrobatic moves known as “freestyle”—also reflects the spirit sought by these practitioners.

“When I first started, it was the whole freestyle aspect that drew me in, and it still does! It’s amazing! When I saw the 360, I was blown away and wanted to try it.”

(Darlan, 18)

The overall trend in France over the past twenty years has been toward the development of recreational activities—often informal and more or less enjoyable—that break with traditional sports culture (Loret, 2004).

Practice SW with complete freedom

During our research, we also found that practicing outdoors was a major factor that could explain why these athletes were drawn to SW. Freedom is the ability to act without constraints or dependencies. Indeed, the desire to exercise outdoors, to feel the fresh air, to be in contact with nature (exercise can take place in a wooded park, on the beach, etc.), and to not be surrounded by walls—as one might be in a gym—was frequently mentioned. Gregory says on this subject:

“There was the advantage of practicing outdoors—no pressure from the gym, and not many people around you.”

(Grégory, 26)

Darlan also emphasizes the sense of freedom in the SW when he says: 

“What has always drawn me to this sport and convinced me to share it with others is that, for one thing, it’s a free sport that anyone can enjoy outdoors.”

(Darlan, 18)

For Endrick, not feeling“cooped up in a gym” and being able to breathe fresh air are some of the benefits of SW.Karine also praises outdoor exercise, which she considers important:

“In my opinion, doing Street Workout indoors takes away some of its charm. It starts with the name itself—‘Street Workout’—which means working outdoors, on the street, and that’s actually what makes it appealing: working with nature.”

(Karine, 23)

Another advantage of practicing outdoors is that it makes the activity completely free. This allows practitioners to practice as they please, whenever and wherever they want, without having to pay. This point was raised by some of our interviewees:

“For those who want to build muscle quickly, without going to the gym, and without necessarily paying for a gym membership. That was also a factor; back then, I couldn’t really afford a gym membership.”

 (Grégory)

 “I love the freedom this sport offers—it’s free.”

(Darlan)

This free access thus allows for unrestricted entry and attracts people from all walks of life, thereby eliminating any social connotations associated with this practice. This point is illustrated by Loïc’s comment, in which he notes:

“When I first arrived at the park in Lyon, there were people of all nationalities: people from the Caribbean, Africa, the Arab world, mainland France, Guyana, Russia, Turkey… and from all walks of life. In fact, there were business owners, a mechanic, and a mover who came to train with us, just like the unemployed, the student, and the retiree.”

(Karine)

She also tells us that she has practiced SW with “managers, students, and business leaders.”

This aspect of freedom associated with outdoor practice, which attracts these participants, is also explored from another perspective. In addition to the sense of freedom offered by practicing SW outdoors, the interviewees highlight the freedom to practice as they please and progress at their own pace, all without the pressure to achieve results. This observation was confirmed during our^second participant observation session, where, during an endurance exercise (such as core training), participants were free to stop whenever they wished^[7], while others continued until they reached their own limits. Karine explains this when she says:

“What I liked about Street Workout is that you have a bit of freedom to develop on your own, to take the time to build on what you’ve learned so you can improve as much as possible.”

(Karine)

We have observed that one of the factors contributing to the appeal of SW is this outdoor activity, which provides a sense of freedom. It appears that the exercise of freedom, the expression of power through the ability to set one’s own rules, and the choice of methods, times, and spaces for practice—as well as one’s partners—are integral to these new forms of athletic expression (Dienot and Theiller, 1999).  These days, people express a need to reconnect with nature. There is a desire to break away from the beaten path and routine, such as choosing SW over the gym. This desire to escape daily life can be likened to the phenomenon of urban exodus—that is, fleeing cities to move closer to the countryside in order to connect with nature. The format offered by the gym no longer meets the needs of these SW practitioners. Thus, SW prioritizes a focus on enjoyment far more than the competitive aspect of traditional sports. Free or self-organized sports practices like SW reflect a significant shift in the perception of physical activity, moving away from a competitive focus toward social interaction and a healthy lifestyle (Adamkievicz, 1998). In this sense, it is about building muscle differently—without specific gear or equipment, outdoors, at one’s own pace, for one’s body—and expressing oneself through acrobatic moves, which provides the sense of freedom sought by SW practitioners. However, outdoor SW must take place at specific locations that increasingly meet these athletes’ desire to be seen.

A staging of the body as an urban spectacle

Urban space as a setting for SW

We have observed that SW is an urban practice that tends to repurpose public objects as workout spots. This is the case, for example, in Montpellier, where street workers use the benches and stairs along the banks of the Lez River to do push-ups and dips, for instance^[8] etc. This repurposing of objects is common to all other urban activities, such as rollerblading, skateboarding, and BMX, because in street sports, “the quest is part of the fun” (Calogirou and Touché, 1997, p.75). We observed, for example, that practitioners of these sliding sports in Montpellier often gather in small squares such as the Espace Jacques^Ier in Aragon or along Boulevard Henri IV. “These various sliding activities all share the characteristic of appropriating landscapes, exploring new ones, and marking these new territories by sliding through them” (Lefebvre and Roult, 2009, p.57).

Some authors have also highlighted this new way of using public space: “Sport has moved beyond the venues where physical performance was once confined […] joggers are taking over parks and streets, while skateboarders and rollerbladers are taking over squares and esplanades” (Dorvillé & Sobry 2006, p. 14). Thus, by reinventing the physical uses of the city, these practitioners—who challenge traditional representations of public space—maintain interactive relationships with the urban environment through “an original and playful reappropriation of the city” (Ibid, p.15). It is therefore this reappropriation that leads us to examine SW as a practice that organizes urban sports tourism. “Geographically, this refers to the scope of sports tourism within an urban setting, which excludes winter sports resorts […] the term encompasses two meanings: the use of sports facilities dedicated to spectator sports and the use of non-sports urban spaces for recreational and sporting purposes ” (Ibid., 2006, p. 16). All in all, there is a form of appropriation of urban space by these athletes because today, “the environment becomes the frame of reference for hedonistic practices” (V. Siau, 2007, p. 23). The appropriation and repurposing of public urban spaces (Chantelat et al., 1996) seem to be essential for practitioners. Practitioners exercise in spaces where they can be seen (Vieille-Marchiset, 2010). This exposure of the body—which is certainly sought after by practitioners who often train in full view of everyone—generates interactions with spectators. Thus, in the following chapter, we will examine the effects of this exposure on both practitioners and passersby.

Freestyle routines , a public performance

If we look at how these Street Workers present their bodies in urban spaces, it becomes clear that they are visible to everyone. This visibility, which is sought after by SW practitioners who put on a “show,” thus becomes a spectacle for passersby. In addition to performing acrobatic moves of varying degrees of impressiveness in public spaces, these athletes are often known for their prominent, visible muscles, reflecting a body image that aligns with the standards of our contemporary society. The atmosphere and the spectacle on display to the public catch the eye of passersby, who don’t hesitate to stop, comment, film, and sometimes try it out themselves. During our first observation session, several young passersby approached us, drawn by the various tricks, and tried them out themselves. During this same observation session, passersby made several comments:“Good job, kids”;“Way to go, guys!”;“Wow, that guy’s strong! Did you buy those Nike socks?”;“Wow! Mom, I’m going to try that too! .” So when this little boy came to try the“Human Flag”move that had amazed him, we observed that the entire group of street workers present that day was cheering him on while some helped him hold the position so he could land the move. We also observed that there is ultimately a collective way of using these spaces, a kind of kindness and respect for one another. As a result, for example, regarding the order of use on the pull-up bars, there are never any arguments; participants follow an order they can signal with a simple hand or head gesture, as if to say “it’s your turn.” This was also observed with beginners who are new to the practice and are generally guided through their first exercise. Our interviewees also note this:

 “Plus, in this sport, everyone cheers you on and helps you out. If you can’t do something, people guide you, and I really loved that sense of solidarity among the participants. Because whether it’s a stranger, someone from another culture, who speaks a different language, or whatever, we communicate the same way on the street—there’s always encouragement, and it knows no boundaries.”

 (Darlan)

The more experienced members are always willing to help, encourage, and offer advice to beginners. During my third observation session, I remember trying a "front lever" move^[9] ” that I hadn’t mastered yet, when two other practitioners came up to me and said:

"To start mastering this move, I began by extending just one leg! It’ll come together little by little. It’s a bit harder for you since you’re tall, but if you work hard at it, you’ll get it!"

This supportive and advisory approach, designed for beginners, extends equally to the general public. It is the act of participating—of trying things out in this space—that encourages self-expression but, above all, fosters interactions (discussion, guidance, comments), which is what makes social media a welcoming experience.

This interaction and self-presentation is not limited to those present at the site of the activity; it also takes place online. The figures, often filmed by participants and passersby, are posted on various social media platforms such as Instagram^[10], Snapchat^[11] and sometimes even on YouTube channels, following a specific visual language. When Endrick successfully performs the“front lever” for the^first time and is about to post his video on Instagram, Darlan intervenes, telling him

"No, when you post your video, you have to include the unlocked padlock emoji—that means you've mastered that trick now."

As with all other urban practices, there is a shared language among practitioners that, in a way, strengthens their bond and their sense of belonging to a group. These numerous video posts—much like those created by one of the pioneers, Hannibal For King—will thus create ways to interact with the public without geographical boundaries, thereby contributing to the development of SW.

There is also another phenomenon that further accentuates these practitioners’ exposure of their bodies and self-presentation. During our various observation sessions, we noted that the dress code seemed quite relaxed and that most participants were often shirtless. There is a sort of exhibitionism that occurs quite naturally; it’s a chain reaction—all it takes is for one participant to take off their shirt for the rest of the group to follow suit. During one session, we overheard two female joggers remarking that all the participants were shirtless and exclaiming,“Oh, here, the dress code is shirtless.”There is therefore this desire among participants to show off the muscular bodies that SW builds; they proudly display them in public.

“Actually, there’s a bit of a show-off aspect to this sport. Why? Well, for starters, it’s ultimately a physical sport where you work out your body, and people are just happy to be able to show off the results they’ve achieved. And just like in most physical sports, you’re happy to get compliments on your body: ‘You’re muscular,’ ‘You have a great physique.’ Just like in bodybuilding, there’s that side of you—a bit self-centered—you’re focused on yourself, and when you get good feedback, you’re even more satisfied with your work, and that pushes you to want to do even better to maintain that sense of a job well done.”

(Loïc, 32)

In our contemporary societies, there is a particular relationship with the body that places great importance on personal appearance. The body is displayed and put on display; we have witnessed a true liberation of the body since the 1960s. It corresponds to idealized images of youth, health, fitness, and beauty (…) Maintaining an “athletic” body has become the most popular and important leisure activity (Perera and Gleyse, 2018, p. 7). In ancient Greece, a strong man was one who was muscular and possessed great strength. This relationship to physical fitness, viewed through the lens of displaying a muscular self, is evident in all our interviews:

“For me, it just comes naturally; I don’t even realize when I take off my T-shirt. Maybe it’s because we need to show off, to display our results and our muscle definition.”

 (Endrick, 23)

There is a desire among participants to show off their muscular physiques to the public, as these are seen as synonymous with health and beauty. Behind this behavior lies a desire to gain social acceptance by conforming to the dominant standards promoted by our society. It is important to understand that while many “street sports” carry negative connotations that devalue their image, a shift occurs when participants display their bodies in public according to dominant aesthetic standards. Streetwork organizes behaviors that are strikingly rooted in current recreational and athletic expectations as well as physical ones, which contribute to this perceived social acceptance. The image of the body appears here, above all, as a mediator of social bonds by conforming to dominant aesthetic norms. “We concern ourselves with it either from an instrumental perspective of success and social integration; or to meet social standards of presentation; or with the intention of winning the affection of others.” (Jodelet, 2005, p.34).

Like rollerblading, skateboarding, BMX, and other urban activities, SW thus leads to “a dual spectacularization: the city is a spectacle for the performer, and the performer is a spectacle for the passerby” (Dorvillé & Sobry, 2006, p. 17). The practice of SW becomes an “urban spectacle,” and this “spectacularizable” activity involves passersby as witnesses and spectators, while the street worker becomes “a spectacle for the passerby” (Dorvillé & Sobry, 2006, p. 15).

In conclusion, we have observed that SW is a relatively new practice and that its practitioners are drawn to its simplicity, particularly in terms of the minimal or easily replaceable sports equipment required. In fact, only simple static bars are needed, and these can be easily substituted. Beyond the fact that SW requires very little equipment, this discipline is practiced outdoors. This is what characterizes SW, inviting people to escape confined spaces to feel free, according to our respondents. We also noted that the codes of practice and methods are the same from one city to another, and that “we communicate the same way on the ‘street,’ and it has no borders”(Darlan).

As a result, the various training spots are set up outdoors, typically in parks, on the outskirts of neighborhoods, or at the beach, providing an ideal training environment for these athletes. Our findings also show that these athletes are reclaiming public spaces by, for example, using objects intended for rest, such as staircases, and training in places where they can be seen, thereby putting on a show for passersby. The performance aspect is also sought after by these athletes, who, as we have seen, are drawn to the fun and spectacular nature ofStreet Workout: acrobatic moves worthy of gymnasts, combining technique, flexibility, and strength, which require a physique that is on display because it aligns with prevailing aesthetic standards.

This use of urban space for sports, combined with the spectacle it offers, is in itself sufficient to justify the SW’s classification under the category of urban sports tourism, which thus follows two approaches: one focused on the participants and one on the spectators.

On the other hand, the growing popularity of this activity is leading to its institutionalization through the creation of federations, major competitions, and so on. Public sports organizations also seem to be beginning to recognize the scale of the phenomenon and are providing dedicated spaces for the activity. Although these spots are located within the urban landscape (parks, beaches, etc.), these facilities—which are taking their rightful place in the city—will, in a way, curb the phenomenon of appropriation as well as the use of public space. Just as we’ve seen with BMX, rollerblading, and skateboarding, we might wonder if streetwear isn’t in the process of being overtaken by the institutional world?

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^[1] https://www.etudiants.ch/cms/etumag/064/le-street-workout

^[2] “Hannibal for King,” born on February 4, 1978, in the United States, is the go-to figure for all “Street Workout” fans.

^[3]https://www.litobox.com/street-workout-calisthenics

^[4] This is a website that lists all SW spots around the world

^[5] https://www.sbl-workout.com/historique/

^[6] www.sbl-workout.com

^[7] SW exercises are sometimes done in groups, which encourages commitment to the effort

^[8]Dips are an arm-bending exercise performed on two parallel bars that primarily targets the triceps.

^[9] Pull-up: consists of hanging from the pull-up bar with arms straight and parallel to the ground in a plank position.

^[10] Instagram: A social media platform for posting videos, photos, etc.

^[11] Snapchat: A social media platform for posting videos, photos, and more.