The concept of "naturalness" in indoor climbing practice

This study focuses on public programs promoting and identifying the offer. From the 1800s to 1975, climbing was a sport practiced in natural environments. Nowadays, artificial climbing structures are developing rapidly and becoming real training tools, where the primary objective is no longer to "reproduce" nature indoors. The survey shows that the practice, the practitioners, their motivations, and the environments in which they practice have evolved considerably. These spaces bring together a wide range of practitioner profiles and a multitude of practices. This study therefore focuses on the concept of "naturalness" in the practice of these climbers, who evolve in an artificial environment. The qualitative analysis of the data we obtained through six semi-structured interviews demonstrated the existence of a hybrid relationship with nature. In fact, there appear to be multiple relationships with naturalness, varying according to the climbers, the era, and the environment in which the activity is practiced.

"If you don't go to the mountain, the mountain will come to you" (Louvel and Rotillon, 1985, p. 274).

This quote reflects the popularity of mountaineering, and more specifically rock climbing. This sport has undergone spectacular changes and developments since 1970. Initially, rock climbing was an outdoor physical activity (APPN). However, over the last twenty years or so, it has been practiced in a variety of settings, both natural and artificial. Climbers now have the opportunity to practice in extremely different conditions: either in the "great outdoors" or "nature," or in artificial and sanitized environments. It seems important to differentiate and define certain concepts that are still used today without much distinction by those involved in sports tourism, in order to clarify the subject.

Naturalness is a polysemic concept, which makes it difficult to handle. For Jean Corneloup, "naturalness evokes the relationship formed with nature. This relationship is strong when artificiality is as discreet as possible. Depending on the depth of the exchange with the natural environment, different degrees of naturalness can be observed" (2003, p.8). In our study, we will refer to naturalness as the degree to which a space is impacted, or not, by human influence. The concept of naturalness therefore refers to the concept of "natural." Géraldine Thévenot is one of the leading authorities on this subject. For her, "the definition of natural has its origins in the idea of nature: natural, originally, is what is given to us, what is innate and opposed to what is transformed, a definition to which are added connotations of simplicity and connection with nature." We can therefore say that the concept of "naturalness" is opposed to that of "urbanity." These characteristics will later serve as points of comparison with rock climbing and its practitioners.

In outdoor sports, the wilderness could be defined as a space that is little or not at all developed, close to its natural state. In addition, the "aroundoor" would be a peripheral area around cities, resorts, and mountain ranges that is developing as an up-and-coming recreational space, intermediate between the total artificialization of indoor sports and leisure facilities (resorts, cities, climbing walls, etc.) and the still strong "naturalness" of the outdoors (unspoiled wilderness) (Corneloup, 2002, p.7). Here, we could take as an example the high ropes courses that qualify this notionof aroundoor, as a means of popularizing outdoor sports. These four concepts differ according to a growing gradient of artificiality and correspond to different practices:indoor ( artificial climbing structure), aroundoor ( easily accessible sports climbing site), outdoor ( sports commitment and superior preparation), and wildoor(wild environment and expeditions in unexplored territory).

Nowadays, the term "nature" or rather "pre-nature" seems more appropriate in light of the above definitions. Changes in how mountains are used correlate with how we perceive nature. That is why nature is now more akin to a developed facility or recreational space, controlled by various standards and labels. Climbing sites are subject to increasingly sophisticated developments. These respond to growing demand and ensure user safety. It is clear that this contemporary "nature" is moving away from the definition of "wilderness" cited and defined above.

Today, this discipline is no longer practiced solely by mountaineers as it was in the past. During the modern era (1800-1975), "rock climbing did not exist," according to Corneloup (1995, p. 1). It was practiced for a single purpose: to prepare for climbing peaks. Mountaineers were considered the elite of society, and mountaineering was a closed and selective activity. Climbers had a very strong connection to the mountains. It was not until the 1970s that "climbing" acquired a true identity (Corneloup, 1995). The number of players increased: federations, mountain rescue services, manufacturers of artificial climbing structures (SAE), media, and associations. According to Jean Corneloup, this period saw the emergence of a real "rupture-fracture " ( 1995, p. 2). Profiles, styles of practice, motivations, and relationships with nature changed significantly. Thus, climbing became structured and institutionalized. New values such as playfulness, performance, and ecology emerged. Peer groups emerged and fragmented climbers into different categories. Corneloup studied climbers in Fontainebleau in order to establish styles of practice. He identified four groups: alpine climbers, who were close to the alpine tradition, as opposed to hedonistic sports enthusiasts, who advocated the sanitization of climbing sites. There are also the neo-adventurers, who value risk-taking, and finally the tourists, who favor the commodification of all spaces. The "world of climbing" is therefore akin to a "logic of multiplicity" (Corneloup, 1995, p.7).

However, since the 2000s, with the emergence of the transmodern era, which we will discuss in detail later, a single climber can identify with several groups and therefore with different modes of consumption and different values. It is the interaction between these visions and practices that drives climbers to create, combine, and develop new forms of climbing. The literature shows that many changes can be observed and noted within climbing gyms. These spaces are characterized by great heterogeneity: the profile of climbers, climbing styles, motivations, and places of practice are all parameters that both divide and unite indoor climbers. Indeed, consumption patterns are changing and varied. To illustrate this "break" with the modern era, it seems relevant to point out that today, for some climbers, the practice takes place only indoors. They have abandoned cliff climbing and rock climbing. As Eric de Léséleuc points out, "many of them have never been there and have no desire to go" (1998, p.65). The conquest of the summits is over, and most of the development of this sport now takes place indoors.

Today, we are witnessing a phenomenon of urban naturalization and the urbanization of nature (Marsac, 2008, p.4). This means that climbers no longer need to seek out natural sites, sometimes far from cities, to practice their sport. Now, they can find them nearby and grouped together in the same space. This transformation reflects the quote from Louis Louvel cited in the introduction and the desire to be able to practice, including in urban environments. The relationship with nature has changed profoundly over time. Furthermore, according to Lafargue (1990), the development of indoor climbing facilities has contributed significantly to the process of turning the activity into a sport, as well as to the evolution of climbing styles and the profile of climbers. For other authors such as Corneloup, Bourdeau, and Rodriguez, a new era in the 2000s could emerge and supplant the postmodern era: the transmodern form. In climbing, this movement is similar to climbers who maintain a mix of practices. This cultural mix helps to create bridges between different eras. This is why we still find climbers who uphold the traditional values of climbing. Nowadays, it is therefore not surprising to find the same climber practicing both indoors and outdoors.

At the end of these initial reflections, which help to contextualize the phenomenon, several questions arise. Do climbers who only climb indoors have an unnatural practice? How natural is the practice of "mixed" or "hybrid" climbers?

In this article, we will attempt to explain how the concept of "naturalness" fits into indoor climbing and its practitioners. We can hypothesize that there are different forms of naturalness, varying according to various factors that we will discuss later, which we would describe as "hybrid" or "multiple."

Methodology

The complexity of this work lies in the fact that no study has yet been conducted on the concept of naturalness in indoor climbing. Information and scientific and literary data are therefore limited. Consequently, a qualitative approach seemed to be the most appropriate. "This approach aims to understand and discover a phenomenon by asking the questions 'why' and 'how' " (Claude, 2019). This approach allowed us to analyze and characterize the concept of "naturalness" in climbing. Regarding the choice of population, we first contacted climbers we knew by phone and submitted the survey to them. This method enabled us to interview three respondents while refining the questionnaire for subsequent interviews. However, even though they had a wide range of experience, a certain type of climber was missing from the sample. Our challenge was to find this very specific profile: those who only climb indoors. To do this, we then contacted several climbing gyms via social media to tell them about the project and the specific profile we were looking for. Next, an email was sent to our contacts, who forwarded it to the various members of their gyms. This is how we were able to complete the sample of people, totaling six interviews.

Due to the health crisis, all interviews were conducted remotely. Of the six interviews, three were conducted via videoconference using the Messenger app. This allowed us to conduct a more comprehensive analysis of the interviews, both verbal and nonverbal. The other interviews were conducted by telephone. However, this method has its limitations, as it is more difficult to get to know the interviewees and establish a climate of trust. Nevertheless, distance makes it easier to interview individuals residing in multiple locations. Furthermore, as Héas notes in 2022, this method "allows for the standardization of interview conditions" (p. 28) and thus limits potential bias.

Table of respondent profiles

This table highlights the diversity of the profiles surveyed. In order to be as representative as possible, we selected participants of different genders, ages, and sports.

To conduct the interviews, we used an interview grid covering various topics, which enabled us to structure the discussion and the interviewee's discourse. The topics we chose to address during the semi-structured interviews were very broad in order to keep the dialogue open: "practitioner profile" and "relationship with nature." Nevertheless, we developed very targeted questions in order to systematically obtain the answers we needed to complete the study.

With regard to the "practitioner profile," the objective was to establish a typology of climbers. The questions focused on the individuals themselves, but also on their climbing practices and how they came to practice this activity.

For the theme of naturalness, the questions were divided into four sub-themes. First, we discussed the interviewees' representations of their definition of nature. Next, we sought to understand what motivated them to practice indoor or outdoor activities. To refocus on naturalness, we asked what place it could occupy in their indoor and outdoor activities, but also in their lives. Finally, we looked at "key" terms such as the concepts of "hybrid climbers" and "mixing activities" in order to gauge their opinions on the subject.

A naturalness that varies depending on the type of practitioner and their practice environment

Differences concerning the definition of key terms

We found that, ultimately, the importance of naturalness in climbing was not as obvious as that to climbers.

In Western society, naturalness is becoming increasingly important in the commercial sphere. It could be defined as that which is innate, as opposed to that which is processed. Furthermore, the concept of "naturalness" contrasts with that of "urbanity." It would therefore be impossible to link the concept of naturalness to an artificial climbing gym.

This raises the question of whether practitioners consider indoor climbing to be a "nature" sport—an outdoor sport—or an urban sport. On this point, only one interviewee considers indoor climbing to be a nature sport:

"Since it's the same base for me, and in my opinion the same activity, it's a training base for the outdoor environment" (Florence, 41). However , Jean, Christian, and Melanie believe that indoor climbing cannot be considered a nature sport. Mélanie qualifies her remarks : "I would rather say that it is nature that we have brought into the city and therefore into the gym... I think that indoor climbing, in my opinion, is a way to train and acquire the skills, knowledge, and attitudes necessary for outdoor climbing." These results show that indoor and outdoor climbing are not perceived in the same way by all climbers.

The data collected during the interviews showed that individuals all had different definitions and perceptions of what nature could be. The "polysemy" of the term nature therefore refers to an idea of nature that varies from person to person. Based on this observation, it is logical to say that our relationship with nature is, in part, conditioned by the definition we give it. However, "the definition of naturalness in commercial products is inevitably conditioned by the constraints of bringing products to market, both in terms of health and economics: naturalness in the commercial sphere is necessarily transformed and disconnected, to varying degrees, from nature" (Lecompte, 2015, p.4). Climbing gyms therefore attempt to reproduce naturalness in their practice, but are forced to compromise with the industrial and commercial world in which they operate. The naturalization process is based on "consumers' representations of naturalness, in order to reduce the risk of dissonance between consumer expectations and business constraints" (Thevenot, 2014, p.13).

Géraldine Thevenot explains that the naturalization process creates signals around the product, suggesting naturalness to the consumer. In the Boulder Line climbing gym in Castelnau-le-Lez, the natural aspect is highlighted by the following symbols: photographs of climbers on cliffs, plants, names of rocks, and even real climbing routes found in natural environments reproduced indoors. These reminders allow consumers to form an idea of nature through "the naturalization of a message" ( Ibid, p.18). It is on the basis of these intrinsic elements that naturalness is highlighted in this room, giving meaning to the vertical ascent of its practitioners.

Climbing: a complex world that leads to a variable "relationship with nature"

The world of climbing is a complex universe, as there are a variety of climber profiles, even among indoor climbers. Among them are climbers who climb both indoors and outdoors, but also climbers who climb exclusively indoors. If we focus on the place of nature in indoor climbing, we can now say that it is not intrinsically present.

If we take the definition of naturalness cited above as a reference, we can now say that the relationship with nature is almost non-existent indoors. Since everything is artificial and unnatural and not innate, all that remains are symbols and elements related to nature as a reminder of naturalness. We could talk about a "domesticated relationship with nature" to characterize nature within climbing gyms.

As Géraldine Thevenot points out in the naturalization process, the strategy of indoor climbing gyms is to highlight iconic elements that suggest and remind climbers that indoor climbing is linked to climbing in a natural environment. They focus on climbers' representations of nature, allowing climbers to access a certain idea of nature. We can therefore say that the place of naturalness in indoor climbing correlates with individuals' representations of it.

We also believe that this idea needs to be qualified. Just because a climber has little or no connection with nature in their practice does not mean that nature does not play an important role in their daily life. Furthermore, climbers who engage in a variety of activities or a "hybrid" practice necessarily have a connection with the natural environment, since this is, among other things, where they practice.

The data collected shows that no systematic link can be established between the environment in which the sport is practiced, climbers' level of environmental awareness, and their relationship with nature. Florence explains: " So, I'm reluctant to generalize again, because I think there must be different types of practitioners within this group. From there, to say that they have environmental awareness, I don't know, I don't know them. On the other hand, I'm not sure that just because climbers are in a natural environment, they are necessarily environmentally conscious. It's often a quick association that we make, but just because we practice in nature doesn't necessarily mean we have environmental awareness. So, do those who practice indoors have more or less... I don't know, there must certainly be some. In any case, I don't make the association between outdoor sports enthusiasts and ecological awareness at all." Greg confirms this opinion. Although he only practices indoors, he also enjoys hiking and mountain biking. What's more, he says he appreciates nature and that "it's also linked to my parents' upbringing, which was very important. I grew up in the countryside, so there you go!" He clearly demonstrates that his relationship with nature is not correlated with his climbing practice. However, he thinks that practicing outdoors "could awaken me even more."

In this sense, our relationship with nature will be stronger or weaker depending on these different factors: Pierre Bourdieu explained this through the concept of "cultural capital" and the "primary socialization" of individuals. For him,

"Sensitivity to nature is forged in early socialization through family influence and then activated through activity: 'Appropriating nature requires a culture, a rootedness in things that last'" (2011, p.16). Greg confirms this during our discussion. Growing up in the countryside and developing a taste for nature during his childhood greatly contributed to his attraction to nature. Nevertheless, he never practices outdoors. However, he claims that outdoor climbing could awaken him even more, as Bourdieu points out.

Furthermore, one's relationship with nature would be conditioned by one's interest in the sport and, consequently, one's level of practice. Certainly, climbers who only climb indoors are often "beginners" and "young." As Christian points out, " they climb to get a summer body" and " to hang out with friends." We can therefore assume that if they were seriously interested in climbing, they might be attracted to outdoor climbing. We believe that the level of the climber also plays a role. "Knowledge, skills, and attitudes are superior outdoors," emphasizes Mélanie. Thus, indoor climbers may be attracted to outdoor climbing but are forced to limit themselves due to a lack of experience and qualifications. In addition, climbing and canoeing were compared by Lapierre and Marsac in 2008 for their similarities and the deterritorialization of their respective environments. As in indoor climbing, whitewater canoeing "brings together a heterogeneous group in terms of both navigation level and social composition. In fact, the term "general public" refers to a "catch-all" category in which managers group together beginners, athletes practicing various outdoor activities, paddlers with low technical skills, novices, and experienced kayakers belonging to clubs. Consequently, this term refers mainly to non-competitors" (2008, p.4). Most of the people who use artificial practice sites are beginners. Marsac also states that "instructors emphasize that the participants they welcome have little skill in the activity" and " that it is more difficult to learn about and engage independently in a natural site if you are unfamiliar with the area, its location, its difficulty, or the equipment available" (2008, p. 243). The relationship with nature in climbing is therefore partly conditioned by the climbers' level of practice.

Other factors may influence the change in the "urban relationship with nature" (Krieger, 2015, p.9) that climbers may have, or this idea of "hybrid" naturalness, particularly those related to the social context and changes in the practice itself.

The evolution of practice as an explanatory factor for "hybrid" and "mixed" naturalness

The influence of external factors: The temporal dimension coupled with the process of sportification

Firstly, the study shows that our relationship with nature and the place of naturalness in rooms are not fixed in time.

The sportification of climbing has greatly contributed to the creation of new value chains, new styles of practice, and, as a result, a new relationship with the practice and with nature. This is what

Jean Corneloup calls these "organic links": everyone can give meaning to "their vertical action" (1995, p.7). Bourdeau's writings have shown that the 1970s and 1980s were marked by developments that revolutionized communication with natural spaces: "The transition from mountaineering as the dominant practice during modernity (1850-1975) to the diverse climbing activities characteristic of postmodernity (1975-2000) has shifted the linear organization of practice spaces (from small climbing sites to high mountains) toward a circular organization (bouldering, small "cliffs," large

"cliffs," frozen waterfalls, via ferrata, high mountains, distant mountain ranges, etc.) that follows the model of a network rather than a straight line, bringing the system of climbing practices into a logic of multiplicity" (1990). This movement therefore refers to the process of naturalizing the city and urbanizing nature. It can therefore be said that the development of the artificial has created a break with nature, promoting the development of competition and performance. These "geosportive transgressions" (Mao, 2008) respond to the increase in the number of practitioners and the need for training. We could also use the term transmodernity to describe this multiple naturalness. It is defined "as a cultural movement that seeks to transcend modernity (go beyond it) while building bridges with previous historical forms" (Corneloup, 2011, p.6). We can see that this cultural mix is similar to a blending of indoor and outdoor climbing practices. These practitioners therefore combine the traditional values of climbing with hypermodern values : playfulness, hedonism, and a connection with nature. It is the interaction between these visions that creates new forms of practice and a more or less profound relationship with nature, depending on the environment in which it is practiced and the era.

Finally, the current social climate influences our sporting practices, particularly in terms of the time constraints it imposes: "Space and time are the fundamental material dimensions of human existence" (Castells, 1998, p.425). Outdoor sports require greater technical skills than indoor sports, such as knowledge of the environment, use of equipment, and understanding of risks. In addition, this form of exercise is restrictive. It requires more time for learning, but also for traveling to climbing sites. People who live in cities are often forced to practice indoors due to lack of time, and this impacts their potential relationship with nature.

A "hybrid" naturalness, between disparate conceptions and the advent of the artificial

We have seen that climbing has grown exponentially over the past twenty years. This market is subject to constant competition between different climbing gyms, which pushes them to diversify. For Mélanie and Hugo, "gyms will lead to this consumer behavior. It has become a marketing issue; we pay to enter a gym just as we would to go to the movies! I think the environmental aspect will take a back seat, or at least it will be a less common motivating factor." Since the concept of the sport varies from one individual to another, it is therefore normal for different scenarios to arise. For Jean, who works at Boulderline, their "new slogan is 'back to basics.' The basis of climbing is climbing rocks outdoors, and we want to return to that. Then, even indoors, we have a project that consists of reproducing certain boulders that you would find outdoors in the gym. The idea is to identify boulders in the area, or in Fontainebleau or Rockland (South Africa), and reproduce them as best we can, to give them a little taste of what outdoor climbing is like. All this to encourage our climbers to (re)start climbing outdoors." Here, we can see that the project is moving towards a more visible and present naturalness within climbing gyms (symbols, elements reminiscent of nature, and climbing styles). In order to remain competitive, climbing gyms are subject to numerous changes and innovations, which lead either to a rapprochement with or a distancing from nature within them. Jean Corneloup explained in 1993 that "the relationship with nature is always part of the 'logos' (the relationship) in which we express the values and imaginations of our time, in reference to our position in the social space" (p.19). Thus, individuals' representation of nature is bound to evolve over time. Christian emphasized that there would be a "generational effect" or an "age effect" (Lefèvre, 2004).

Climbers of yesteryear, with their alpine values, had a closer relationship with nature than today's "young" climbers. In the past, the very essence of the sport was based on discovering the natural environment. Marsac emphasizes this in his thesis on canoeing and kayaking: "The original essence of the activity, which is based on the discovery of nature, has been transformed. The educational approach in whitewater stages is becoming less school-based and more independent of the fundamentals of river descent" (p. 6). Indeed, "this quest for closeness to nature, or even fusion with it, requires learning about nature in practical terms. In fact, to move on water as on land, one must know how to read nature. Recreational users thus develop ordinary knowledge, acquired through a multitude of practical experiences" (Krieger, 2016, p.182). The practice of SAE does not allow participants to cultivate this relationship with nature and, as a result, the prospects for merging with it are very limited.

This phenomenon is similar to surfing:

The artificialization of waves thus heralds possible changes in the structure of the "internal logic" of surfing, insofar as it could alter the relationships between surfers, since there would no longer be any physical or symbolic confrontation to obtain the wave, with space, since surfing would no longer be practiced exclusively in a marine environment, and with time, since wave programming would introduce a rationalization of riding times. The artificialization of waves therefore changes the ecology of the surfer's relationship with the wave, which in a natural environment requires the development of a "maritime sense" acquired through "tuning in," i.e., the surfer's motor and sensory ability to understand an environment in which the balance is precarious and homeostatic " (Mariani, 2013). It is entirely possible to transfer this reflection to the world of climbing. Climbing gyms clearly optimize climbing time due to their ease of access and the proximity of the routes within the same space. The configuration of the gym does not reproduce the conditions of climbing in a natural setting, but rather attempts to facilitate the progress of climbers in a safe and practical environment. The dimension of adventure, of physical and symbolic confrontation with the natural environment, is no longer present. Climbing becomes an everyday sport, which is paradoxical given that climbing in a natural environment allows climbers to disconnect from the urban environment. Indeed, the development of artificial climbing structures impacts climbers' relationship with their environment, as indoor climbers no longer need to know or anticipate the natural environment in which they are climbing.

Conclusion

The 20th century was marked by numerous transformations that led to a diversification of sporting activities, such as rock climbing. This sport is practiced in a variety of settings, both in artificial climbing structures and in natural, more or less "wild" sites, such as cliffs. Thus, climbing is practiced in both urban and "domestic" and/or "domesticated" natural environments.

The question of naturalness in indoor climbing remains a subject that has been little studied in scientific literature and by researchers. This is why we questioned the place of the concept of "naturalness" in indoor climbing and its practitioners. This concept can be defined as the "relationship with nature," varying according to the impact of humans on their environment, a definition to which we can add elements that recall this idea of nature and that can be contrasted with "urbanity."

As part of our study, we selected and interviewed six climbers, all with different profiles and practices, in order to obtain results that were as representative as possible. These results show that the concept of naturalness is not interpreted in the same way by all individuals and varies according to the environment in which the activity is practiced. Thus, if representations of naturalness are perceived differently by practitioners, the relationship with nature will be partly conditioned by the definition given to it. The "naturalization process" makes it possible to create signals around the product that suggest naturalness to the consumer. In the gym, some of these signals could therefore influence the perception and place of naturalness in the eyes of climbers. We have seen that the world of climbing is part of a "logic of multiplicity" since there is a plurality of practitioner profiles, even among indoor climbers. Nevertheless, naturalness is not or is only slightly visible within a climbing gym from an intrinsic point of view, but would reside solely in the imagination and representation of climbers. Practitioners therefore have no relationship with naturalness at first glance. We could refer to this as a "domesticated relationship with nature." However, just because nature is not present in the gym does not mean that climbers have no relationship with it in their practice. For a climber who practices both indoors and outdoors, naturalness is necessarily present in their practice since they evolve within it when climbing on cliffs. Finally, the study highlighted that the evolution and transformation of the practice had an influence on the concept of naturalness. The sportification of the activity and the development of artificial features do not allow practitioners to cultivate this relationship with naturalness. As it becomes an "everyday sport" in an urban environment, there is no longer any symbolic dimension, adventure, confrontation, or knowledge of the natural environment. As a result, the prospects for merging with it are very limited. New value chains and new styles of practice are emerging, accompanied by a new relationship with the practice and with naturalness. In this sense, it is therefore not possible to establish a systematic association between a climber and their relationship with naturalness. The study sample does not allow us to propose a typology of climbers in relation to naturalness. However, it is possible to identify trends. For experienced climbers, who have a hybrid practice, it can be said that the degree of naturalness will be stronger in their practice since they are confronted with it and their imagination and representations of nature are in line with the definition of naturalness. For beginner climbers, who only practice indoors, the degree of naturalness will be virtually non-existent. It varies according to their socialization, their references and representations of nature, but also according to the naturalization process present in indoor climbing facilities. We can conclude that climbing gyms have a key role to play in highlighting naturalness within their spaces.

We understand that climbing gyms have been created to replicate outdoor climbing indoors, but we wonder whether these gyms and their users are seeking to transpose their style to the outdoors. It would be interesting to supplement this study by focusing research on this topic, in order to see whether the evolution of the sport is also disrupting natural environments.

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